The Troubles: Context

The Troubles – or the Northern Ireland conflict – was a period of civil and political conflict which began in the late 1960s and is generally accepted as having ended with the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1998. There remains no consensus about the causes of the Troubles, its nature, or how it should be remembered. It has been interpreted as an anti-colonial independence struggle, an ethno-political conflict, and a terrorist campaign against democracy. Central to the conflict was the struggle over Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. Unionists and loyalists – who were mostly Protestant – wanted to remain a part of the United Kingdom, whilst nationalists and republicans – who were mainly Catholic – sought a united Ireland. Over 3,600 people were killed during the Troubles, with approximately 50,000 total casualties over the three decades.

It is important to acknowledge that this is both difficult and contested history. Although we have a shared past, we don’t have a shared memory. This exhibition presents a diverse range of opinions and identities but does not seek to achieve consensus or to provide a comprehensive history of the period. Our aim is to explore the essential role of women, individuals and collectives, who operated from grassroots to government levels. It is only possible to capture a selection of women’s stories in this exhibition but we hope that this project will spark your curiosity and inspire you to research your local peace heroines.

Read the heroines’ stories here.

Bernadette Devlin McAliskey

Bernadette Devlin McAliskey

Civil Rights Leader / Former MP (1969-74)

Credit: An Sionnach Fionn

Born in Tyrone in 1947, Bernadette McAliskey (nee Devlin) grew up in a working-class family of six children. Before he died when she was nine, her father taught her about Irish political history which, among other things, would influence her trajectory in life. The conditions in which the family lived following his death, with her mother dependent on welfare for support, made her a socialist in her beliefs. Bernadette was still only a teenager when her mother also died, leaving her to help raise her younger siblings while she attended college.

‘I come from a long line of strong women. My mother and grandmother were both widows. The level of poverty that I grew up in brings a degree of strength and creativity to women, because they have to manage.’

At Queens University Belfast, Bernadette became active in politics and on 9 October 1968 she co-founded the People’s Democracy - a ‘non-partisan, non-political organisation based on the simple belief that everyone should have the right to a decent life.’  It was founded in reaction to the 5 October civil rights march in Derry which was broken up after RUC baton-charged the peaceful protestors. The People’s Democracy held sit-ins and marches demanding equality for all, and Bernadette became a competent and notable speaker.

Following a by-election in April 1969, Bernadette was elected to Westminster and at age 21, remained the youngest woman ever elected to Westminster until that record was broken in 2015.

After taking part in the ‘Battle of the Bogside’ in August 1969 – a three-day riot in which Catholic residents rose up against the discrimination of the RUC – Bernadette travelled to the US. Here, she met with members of the Black Panther Party – a Marxist-Leninist black power political organisation – and gave them her support. Later, when she was awarded the key to the city of New York before returning to Northern Ireland, she gave it to a representative of the Black Panthers.

‘… ‘My people’ – the people who knew about oppression, discrimination, prejudice, poverty and the frustration and despair that they produce – were not Irish Americans. They were black, Puerto Ricans, Chicanos…’  

Credit: Getty Images

Once home, she was convicted, in December, of incitement to riot in relation to the Battle of the Bogside and served a few months in jail. She also faced harsh criticism and sexism from all angles.

‘I find it difficult to take […] Bernadette Devlin seriously. A leader of civil rights for Irish Catholics should first be conformed with the spiritual moral teachings of the Catholic Church. Mini-skirted Bernadette Devlin conforms to and gives strength to the popular fashions of a godless world.’ – Irish-American contributor to Belfast Telegraph, 1970

‘We are just sick at what we saw on television – our brave police being attacked by a lot of hooligans! […] We saw Devlin and ‘her people’ in their true colours last night. These people should just sit back for a few minutes and thank God that they are living in Ulster. If they were living anywhere else they would be dead from starvation…’  - ‘Five working housewives’, contributor to the Belfast Telegraph, 1969 following the Battle of the Bogside

Credit: ThoughtCo

In 1972, Bernadette lay witness to the Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry in which 14 people were shot dead during an internment protest. In the House of Commons later Bernadette was denied the right to speak - despite there being a parliamentary convention that said that any Member of Parliament witnessing an incident under discussion would be granted an opportunity to speak about it. When the Home Secretary, Reginald Maudling, then incorrectly said that the British paratroopers had fired on civilians in self-defence, Bernadette crossed the floor and slapped him. ‘[Bloody Sunday] was when the civil rights movement ended and the armed struggle began,’ she said later, ‘That was the point of realisation for me that the penalty for demanding equal rights in your society was that your government would kill you.’

Over the next number of years Bernadette helped to establish the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) before joining the Independent Socialist Party. She also supported the prisoners on the blanket protest and dirty protest at Long Kesh prison and eventually, the hunger strikers in the early 1980s.

In 1981, Bernadette and her husband were both shot multiple times in front of their children in their home in Tyrone by the Ulster Freedom Fighters, a cover name of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Even though British soldiers had been outside watching the home, they failed to stop the gunmen from entering.

Credit: Hozier

After this, Bernadette began to campaign locally and work with women in her estate. In 1997, she co-founded STEP (South Tyrone Empowerment Programme) to research and campaign across many areas such as housing, legal rights, water charges etc. More recently, her work has involved trying to help migrant workers in the community.

‘I am doing the same thing I have always done. It's still about people having a right to fulfil their potential and not be excluded from that because of other people's prejudice.’

 

Sources:

Moreton, Cole, ‘Bernadette McAliskey: Return of the Roaring Girl,’ online at: https://web.archive.org/web/20081211164929/http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/profiles/bernadette-mcaliskey-return-of-the-roaring-girl-951825.html [accessed 8 July 2022].

Belfast Telegraph, 13 July 1970.

Belfast Telegraph, 15 Aug. 1969.

Lewis, Jone Johnson, ‘Bernadette Devlin Profile,’ online at: https://www.thoughtco.com/bernadette-devlin-biography-3530416 [accessed 8 July 2022].

‘Bernadette Devlin,’ on A Century of Women, online at: https://www.acenturyofwomen.com/bernadette-devlin/ [accessed 7 July 2022].

‘BERNADETTE MCALISKEY,’ online at: https://hozier.com/activitsts/bernadette-devlin/ [accessed 6 June 2022].

‘BERNADETTE DEVLIN’S MAIDEN SPEECH TO PARLIAMENT (1969),’ online at: https://alphahistory.com/northernireland/bernadette-devlins-maiden-speech-parliament-1969/ [accessed 8 July 2022].

Bridget Bond / Civil Rights Activist

Bridget Bond

Civil Rights Activist

‘Bridget has been described as an extraordinary ordinary woman who could relate to anyone and to whom anyone could relate to. She had the ability to engage with everyone that needed her help or needed her to speak on their behalf.’

Credit: Derry Smart Tour

Born in Derry in 1925, Bridget Bond (nee McMenamin) left school at 15 and found work in Tillie and Henderson's shirt factory. She later married Johnny Bond and the couple had four sons together, but the young Catholic family struggled to find safe, liveable accommodation in 1960s Derry. This was because Northern Ireland at this time saw ‘systemic discrimination in housing and jobs’ and in Derry specifically ‘the voting districts had been gerrymandered so badly that it was controlled politically by [Protestant] loyalists for 50 years’ despite having a two-thirds Catholic majority population.

Inspired by the civil rights movement in America, ‘a new generation of politically and socially conscious young Catholic nationalists’ in Northern Ireland began to protest this discrimination. In early 1968, the Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC) was founded to peacefully protest housing conditions and provisions. Bridget, who had struggled with poor health all her life only to discover that she had a hole in her heart, quickly became an active member when she had to postpone multiple serious operations due to her poor living conditions. She took an active part in pickets and sit-ins. It was DHAC who asked the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) to organise a civil rights march in Derry – which they did for 5 October of that year. This march became notorious when the RUC baton-charged the peaceful protestors in scenes that were seen around the world. The conditions in Northern Ireland became headline news worldwide.

‘I’ll be staying here until I get satisfaction.’

By December 1968, Bridget - now the treasurer of DHAC – joined fourteen others in a squat at Derry Guildhall demanding better housing conditions. She found herself back there at the end of the month calling to be rehoused, in a squat that would last into 1969. After two weeks, Bridget and her family were offered temporary accommodation, but like the others in the Guildhall, she remained until February when all protesting families were rehoused.

Shortly after this, Bridget became a member of NICRA (eventually acting as secretary and then chairwoman of the Derry branch) and in March of 1970, she and two others travelled to the United States on a three-week fundraising tour. In 1971, when 340+ people from Catholic and nationalist backgrounds were arrested and incarcerated without trial, Bridget became an active and vocal campaigner against internment. On 30 January 1972, she headed an anti-interment rally organised by NICRA which came to an end when British soldiers shot 26 unarmed civilians, killing 14. The day came to be known as Bloody Sunday. A few months later, it was Bridget who was chosen to unveil a memorial to the victims.

She continued to campaign on behalf of the Bloody Sunday victims in the years that followed, but ill health forced her to take a step back, and in 1982 she resigned from her role in NICRA. She died in 1990.

Bridget is still remembered today as a ‘key organiser of the series of demonstrations, squattings and occupations of public buildings which first focused wide attention on housing discrimination in the North’ and her personal papers lie in the Museum of the Troubles in Derry.

 

 

Sources:

‘Bridget Bond,’ online at: https://derrysmarttour.com/locationdetails/BridgetBond [accessed 7 July 2022].

Roos, Dave, ‘How the Troubles Began in Northern Ireland,’ online at: https://www.history.com/news/the-troubles-northern-ireland#:~:text=A%201960s%20Civil%20Rights%20Movement%20Modeled%20on%20the%20US&text=In%20the%20city%20of%20Derry,%5D%20loyalists%20for%2050%20years.%E2%80%9D [accessed 7 July 2022].

Belfast Telegraph, 10 Dec. 1968.

Belfast Telegraph, 1 Jan. 1969.

Belfast Telegraph, 1 Feb. 1969.

Belfast Telegraph, 14 Mar. 1970.

Sunday Tribune, 4 Feb. 1990.

‘Brigid Bond,’ on A Century of Women, online at: https://www.acenturyofwomen.com/brigid-bond/ [accessed 8 June 2022].

Religious Women and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland

Religious women and the peace process in Northern Ireland

Research has consistently shown that where women’s participation has been maintained, conflict resolution outcomes have been more successful and sustained. A 2011 United States Institute of Peace report drew attention to the roles of religion and of women in promoting peace in conflicts around the world and the need to assess their significance. Notably, it observed that the contributions of religious women lacked documentation of their deeds or achievements. An oral history project initiated in 2014 established that during the Northern Ireland conflict (1968-1998), religious women, reflecting gospel imperatives to help, indeed love, society’s most marginalised, became party to personal, societal and political reconciliation, effective peacebuilders at all levels. Though the substance of the conflict was thoroughly political, religion was a cultural reality. Religion was wrapped up in people’s identity and sense of belonging. The ‘Troubles’ was a complex, destructive ethno-nationalist struggle that pitted neighbours and communities against one another. It witnessed society descend into a multi-factional and seemingly endless war in which the majority of victims were civilians. Working at the margins of society, religious women were rooted within the working-class areas that bore the brunt of the violence, subjected to terror, disappearance, murder, fear, mistrust, all exacerbated by layers of historical grief, anger and suffering.

A group of religious women recall emotional moments from their peace work in Northern Ireland

A quiet spiritual presence, reinforced by institutional resources and a degree of authority, religious women resisted and rebuked brutality, supporting the non-violent majority’s struggle to survive, raise families, educate the young, tend to the old and retain a value system that transcended hatred and sectarianism. Religious women rejected the notion that Northern Ireland was from top to bottom infected by a deeply rooted, ubiquitous sectarian disease, ingrained over generations, requiring generations more to erase. They instead attributed the divisions as being “structured into the psyche” owing to political machinations rather than pathology. Hence their goal was to subvert centuries of social conditioning  and dismantle what they saw as “artificial divides”. They believed friendship, humour and humanity to be liberating components that would help people sabotage the barricades and boundaries keeping them apart.

Sharing the suffering and showing solidarity with victims, religious women of different persuasions and denominations built and were part of networks of community activists determined to secure peace. At crucial points in the peace process, religious women’s interventions helped accelerate and promote peace-building. Their approaches and contributions to peace and reconciliation were various, illustrated by the different, innovative  ventures they established, including WAVE, (Widows Against Violence Empowered); the Currach Community, Cornerstone, Women of Faith and ‘Dance Beyond Hate.’ Critical agents for change, working at the grass-roots level shaped their perspectives and approaches, differentiating them from the male hierarchies that determined church policies that were often inadequate and sometimes counter-productive.

The Troubles began as religious women in the late 1960s were proving receptive to progressive leanings within mainstream churches. These included human and civil rights, second wave feminism and liberation theology: the option for the poor, for personal encounters, listening, respecting and above all recognising that peacebuilding starts from below. While ending the violence, “negative peace”, was a major goal, religious women were most notable for their commitment to promoting a “positive peace”, incorporating wider principles of justice, equality, fairness and social re-distribution, factors that directly contribute to social healing. Committed to improving cross-community relations, they also supported prisoners and their families and helped forge relationships between combatants from opposing sides. The 1981 Troubles’ hunger strike became the catalyst for far‐reaching changes in the policy of both the British and Irish governments, creating an environment conducive to peacebuilding.

John Hume and Gerry Adams pictured at the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in Dublin Castle, 1994. Photo: Eamonn Farrell/RollingNews.ie

Religious women sought inclusion at all levels. Some, aware of the back-channel and unofficial communications taking place, strongly felt women’s voices should be heard. Securing a place at the table in the 1990s through the secret Clonard Monastery peace talks between Gerry Adams and John Hume (and facilitated through Fr Alec Reid), religious women contributed a hitherto unknown “raw emotion” and “strategic empathy” that helped cut through decades of male posturing and stalemate. They brought to the negotiations with an “armed” patriarchy centuries of experience negotiating with a “sacred” patriarchy. Confronted daily by human pain, ruined and lost lives, religious women entirely rejected combatant rationale that inflicting maximum pain was a necessary cost, a key pre-requisite for securing a strong negotiating position. Equally important, their stand alongside conflict victims was a constant challenge to combatant claims to be defenders of their respective communities. Their presence daily rebutted and subverted combatant legitimation strategies informed by religio-political myths and sacrificial discourses.

Women of Faith and the Northern Ireland Peace Process: A conversation between Sr. Geraldine Smyth, the Reverend Lesley Carroll, Baroness May Blood and Dianne Kirby, supported by Briege Rafferty, February 2017.

Through both presence and activism, religious women became a factor in creating the climate on the ground and the depth of communications between the warring parties that facilitated reconciliation. Following their direct engagement via Clonard, a more overt commitment to peace emerged, reflected in the Republican transition from physical force to constitutionalism. Largely missing from Troubles’ history, religious women deserve recognition for being party to the difficult and dangerous work within working class communities that noted international peacebuilders credit with preventing the Troubles from degenerating into civil war.

The Dance of Co-Existence Project

In 1998, The Dance of Co-Existence project, co-ordinated by Sr Deirdre Mullan of the Sisters of Mercy, brought together teenagers from ‘both sides of the divide’ (Protestant and Catholic) to look at each other’s history and culture and express their differences and understandings through dance. This group of young people was invited to perform in Dublin for the President of Ireland and representatives from all second-level schools in Ireland.


To listen to a powerful Witness seminar (part of the Women Religious Oral History Project) see here.


Research by Dianne Kirby, and Drs Maria Power and Briege Rafferty.Thank you very much to Dianne for contributing this piece of herstory to our website.

Thanks also to Sr Deirdre Mullan for her photos and information on the Dance of Co-Existence Project.

Bibliography

“Religious Voices on Conflict Resolution, War and Peace”: https://sites.google.com/site/coldwarkirby/

Maria Power, From Ecumenism to Community Relations: Inter-Church Relationships in Northern Ireland 1980-2005, (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007);  Building Peace in Northern Ireland, (contributing editor), (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011).

K. Marshall, S. Hayward, with C. Zambra, E. Breger, S. Jackson, United States Institute of Peace, “Women in religious peacebuilding”, Peaceworks, 71 (2011): 1-30.

Briege Rafferty & Dianne Kirby, “Sisters in the Troubles: Introduction to women in religious orders during the conflict in and about Northern Ireland,” Doctrine and Life, 75, 1, (2017): 2-12.

Anne Bennett, Dining with Diplomats, Praying with Gunmen, Experiences of International Conciliation for a New Generation of Peace-makers (London: Quaker Books, 2020), 110

Kirby, “Religious Women and the Northern Ireland Troubles,” Journal of Religious History, Vol 45, Issue 3, September 2021, pp 412-434.

Kirby, Religious Women and peacebuilding during the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’,” Journal of Social Encounters: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters/vol5/iss2/4/

Kirby, “Women of Faith and the Northern Ireland Peace Process: Breaking the Silence,” Open Democracy, 10 April 2018: https://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/dianne-kirby/women-of-faith-and-northern-ireland-peace-process-breaking-silence

Briege Rafferty, Caught in the Crossfire: Catholic Religious Sisters and the Northern Ireland Troubles (1968-2008),” Belfast: QUB, Ph.D. 2022.

John & Pat Hume / Peacebuilders / Human Rights Activists

John and Pat Hume

Peacebuilders, Human Rights Advocates

John & Pat Hume. Credit: Pacemaker

Working side by side for decades, the partnership of John and Pat Hume has been celebrated around the world as one of total commitment both to each other and to the people of Northern Ireland. As a co-founder and eventual leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) John Hume was a major, visible driving-force behind the peace process in Northern Ireland throughout the Troubles, so much so that he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1998. But he couldn’t have done it without ‘his trusted advisor, his political antenna,’ his wife, Pat Hume, who supported the family financially in the early years of John’s political career and then set-up and ran his full-time office after he was elected as one of Northern Ireland’s three Members of the European Parliament (MEP) in 1979.

When the history of Ireland is written, if Pat Hume’s name is not beside John’s it will be an incomplete history.
— Fr. Paul Farren

John & Pat on their wedding day, 1960

Patricia ‘Pat’ Hone, born in 1938, grew up with her parents and five siblings in Derry. After training to be a teacher in Belfast, she returned home where she taught children largely from poor backgrounds, with the ardent belief that a good education could improve their circumstances. It was at a dance hall just over the border in Donegal when she was twenty that she met John Hume, a teacher himself. John, born in 1937 in Derry, had at one point attended St. Patrick’s College in Maynooth with the intention of becoming a priest but with an MA in French and History, he returned home to teach instead. The couple married in 1960 and over the years that followed, had five children together.

John being searched by a British soldier in Derry. Credit: John & Pat Hume Foundation

Towards the end of the 1960s, John became a vocal leader of the Civil Rights Movement, particularly in Derry when he was made deputy chairman of the Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC), an organisation formed in 1968 in response to housing discrimination. This led him into politics, and eventually to the leadership of the SDLP in 1979, a party he helped to co-found nine years previous with the vision of being an anti-sectarian political movement.

Portrait by FRIZ

Meanwhile, Pat was at home oftentimes (in the early days, at least) supporting the family financially on her teacher’s salary and raising their children whilst remaining a steady ‘guiding light,’ ‘trusted advisor’ and ‘anchor’ for John. But as a constituency officer manager from 1979 onwards, she took on a more visible and politically active role within her community, helping many who had been caught up in some way or another in the conflict, and offering advice on housing, security, and education issues. Their family home sometimes acted as an office as they hosted political figures and constituents alike.

1990 Credit: The Irish News

As John’s profile grew, the threats and violence meted out on the family home became more and more frequent, but Pat maintained a stable homelife for her children as best she could, and neither partner wavered in their belief in the power of dialogue. Despite evoking criticism and causing controversy at the time, the meetings between John and the then leader of Sinn Féin, Gerry Adams, from 1988, are considered by many to have been a serious turning point in the conflict. John and Pat’s joint actions were critical in the realisation of major political developments in Northern Ireland that led to peace, such as the Sunningdale Agreement, Anglo-Irish Agreement, and the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement as well.

...[Pat Hume] held out her hand and not a fist, holding on to the belief that there was, and still is, a non-violent way to resolve the conflict. She accompanied her peace-building work with justice.
— Monica McWilliams

Both John and Pat remained politically active until 2005 when John retired, and Pat as well, to care for him. Since the 1990s, John had begun to suffer the symptoms of dementia. Despite this, the couple continued to promote EU integration and the Credit Union movement (which had long been of particular importance to John who, in the 1960s, held the title of the youngest ever President of the Irish League of Credit Unions).

Difference is an accident of birth, and it should therefore never be the source of hatred or conflict.
— John Hume

Pat Hume was awarded an honorary degree in recognition of her community work, at the University of Ulster in Derry. Photograph: George Jackson

John died on 3 August 2020 and was hailed by many as a ‘political titan’ and a ‘visionary who refused to believe the future had to be the same as the past.’ Pat died just over a year later on 2 September 2021. She was remembered as ‘small in stature but a colossus.’ Together, they helped to change the future of Northern Ireland and prove that open dialogue, negotiation, and commitment can overcome even the most terrible conflict and bring peace for future generations.

[Pat] showed us the power of love. I hope Pat will be recognised and remembered as the mother of the peace that we enjoy today.
— Mary McAleese

 

 

Herstory by Katelyn Hanna

Bibliography:

The Irish Times, 9 Sep. 2021, online at: https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/pat-hume-obituary-john-s-intellectual-equal-who-strove-for-peace-1.4669370 [accessed 3 Mar. 2022].

‘About Us,’ Social Democratic and Labour Party, online at: https://www.sdlp.ie/about [accessed 3 March 2022].

Independent.ie, 2 Sep. 2021, online at: https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/youd-never-meet-anyone-like-her-sharp-warm-decent-fun-never-stopped-doing-things-for-good-the-life-of-pat-hume-40813482.html [accessed 3 Mar. 2022].

BBC News, 2 Sep. 2021, online at: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-58382715 [accessed 3 Mar. 2022].

Belfast Telegraph, 3 Sep. 2021, online at: https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/northern-ireland/pat-hume-peacemaker-and-partner-to-john-hume-helped-transform-northern-ireland-40814945.html

Chappell, Elliot, ‘SDLP founding member and former leader John Hume dies,’ LabourList, online at: https://labourlist.org/2020/08/sdlp-cofounder-and-former-leader-john-hume-dies/ [accessed 3 Mar. 2022].

The Irish Times, 8 Aug, 2020, online at: https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/pat-hume-the-woman-who-never-gave-up-1.4323798 [accessed 22 Mar. 2022].

Wicklow's Wonder Women

WICKLOW’S WONDER WOMEN

Kate Tyrell. Source John Mahon

Kate Tyrell. Source John Mahon

Kate Tyrrell

Arklow (1863 - 1921)

Kate Tyrrell was born in Arklow in 1863 into a seafaring family. Edward Tyrrell and his wife Elizabeth had four daughters, of whom Kate was second eldest. As a child, she accompanied her father on voyages back and forth across the Irish Sea in the family schooner, developing a love of the sea that never waned. In 1885, Edward bought the Denbighshire Lass, a 62-ton schooner which Kate, acting as captain brought to Arklow. She was 22. When Edward died the following year, Kate became sole owner of the Denbighshire Lass. She took over control of the business and was an excellent captain, maintaining a highly disciplined ship. The law of the day did not recognize female ship owners or sea captains however, and Kate embarked on a long battle to have the law changed. Kate married John Fitzpatrick in 1896, whose name appeared on legal documents, until the law was changed in 1899. She died in 1921, aged 58

Information provided by Jim Rees of the Arklow Maritime Museum. Read the story of Kate Tyrrell, Arklow’s ‘Lady Mariner’ on www.countywicklowheritage.org

Averil Deverell. Source: Law Library of Ireland

Averil Deverell. Source: Law Library of Ireland

Averil Deverell

Greystones (1893 - 1979)

Averil Katherine Statter Deverell born in 1893, lived at Ellesmere, Church Road Greystones. During her life, Averil witnessed and played a firsthand role in momentous changes both for Ireland and for women. She died in 1979 and is buried at Redford Cemetery. Averil graduated with a law degree from Trinity in 1915 during World War 1. She served as a VAD Nursing Sister at Trinity and in Greystones, and as an ambulance driver in France. In 1918, cutting 12 inches off her cumbersome Edwardian skirt, she served in France and Flanders with the French Red Cross. Returning home, she trained as a barrister and became the first woman to practise as a barrister in Ireland. Entering the closed, male, confines of the Law Library at the Four Courts in January 1922 she was the first, and for 18 months the only, woman there. A keen amateur actress and golfer, Averil maintained a successful career as a barrister for the next four decades, retiring in 1969 as “Mother of the Bar”, commanding respect and affection in equal measure from her colleagues.

Read more about Averil Deverell in ‘From Presentation to Pioneer’ by Liz Goldthorpe on www.countywicklowheritage.org

As part of the Decade of Centenaries, Wicklow County Council’s Arts and Heritage Offices and the Archives Service have joined forces with Herstory and curator Liz Kelly to produce Wicklow's Wonder Women, a fantastic programme of events to celebrate the centenaries of these two local trailblazers.

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“Wicklow County Council Arts and Heritage Offices and Archive Service have commissioned these projects to mark women’s history and outstanding achievements as part of our ongoing Decade of Centenaries Programme in 2021. Supported by the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media under the Decade of Centenaries 2012-2023 initiative, two trailblazing Wicklow Women take centre stage and we are delighted to work with Liz Kelly Curator, and Herstory to commemorate and celebrate Averil Deverell and Kate Tyrell in their home county’ said Jenny Sherwin, Arts Officer and Deirdre Burns, Heritage Officer Wicklow County Council

FANNY JENNINGS / The duchess nun

FANNY JENNINGS, Duchess of Tyrconnell

St Albans / Dublin / St Germain

1647 – 1730

Fanny Jennings, was an intriguing woman whose sobriquets included ‘the duchess nun’ and ‘the white milliner.’ Born near St Albans in England in 1647, at sixteen she was appointed maid of honour to Anne Hyde, Duchess of York. Miss Jennings quickly earned a reputation as one of the fairest and most beautiful ladies ‘who robbed men of their hearts, women of their lovers, and never lost herself as she moved through the glittering court of Charles II, in unblenched majesty.’ Noted for rebuking the advances of James Duke of York and his brother the king, Fanny Jennings married twice.  Her first husband was George Hamilton whom she married when she was seventeen and with whom she had at least three daughters. After George was killed in battle in 1676, Fanny was left a young widow of little means.

As one of the most ‘conspicuous ornaments’ at the Duchess of York’s court, it was not long before the widowed Mrs Hamilton remarried.  From the multitude of eager suitors who fawned over her, Fanny married Richard Talbot in 1679. In 1685, Richard was sent to Ireland to take command of King’ James II’s forces and to support the Roman Catholic influence. Fanny and her three daughters from her first marriage, went with him.  While in Ireland, the king created Richard Talbot, Duke of Tyrconnell.  As Duchess, Fanny held ‘her state as vice – queen with much state and magnificence’.

At Dublin Castle, she entertained the king with ‘French urbanity and Irish hospitality’ in 1689. Following his defeat at the Battle of the Boyne the following year, King James returned to the castle where it is alleged, the Duchess in ‘all the splendour of court etiquette’ greeted him at the top of the staircase in her full robes and ‘with all her attendants’ knelt on one knee and ‘congratulated the king on his safe return to Dublin, and respectfully inquired what refreshment he would be pleased to take at that moment’.

After James’s defeat, the Tyrconnells followed the exiled court to St Germain, where Fanny remained for several years.  Following the death of the duke, Fanny once more found herself impoverished. Records of the English Canonesses of the Holy Sepulchre in Liege, note the demise of the widowed duchess’s finances. She was also among recipients of a pension which James II received from the Pope, her share amounted to no more than 3,000 crowns or £400. 

By 1705, Fanny resorted to desperate measures and hired a stall under the Royal London Exchange, a fashionable haunt of wealthy ladies, from which she sold hats and some small items of general ‘haberdashery.’ However, keen to hide her identity, Fanny wore a full length white dress and a white lace mask to conceal her face. Her experience was dramatized in the 1840s as a successful play, ‘The White Milliner’ and performed at Covent Garden.

The following year, Fanny returned to Dublin and eventually obtained some of her deceased husband’s property.  Her days of entertaining the king at Dublin Castle were long gone, and Fanny, a widow, poor, penniless and proscribed, withdrew from the world she once knew, and took up residence in her husband’s former house on North King Street where she established a nunnery for the Poor Clare sisters.

As a devout Catholic she travelled with her many books of devotion, and endowed the Scots College in Paris for the saying of masses for ever, for the souls of her dead husbands and herself. 

In Ireland, she was among a coterie of women whose names became associated with the ‘gallant efforts that were made by religious orders of women to offset the worst effects of the penal laws in the field of education for the children of the Irish Catholic aristocracy’. Some years before her death, Fanny became a nun with the Poor Clares, some of her granddaughters subsequently joined the same order.  In the late 1680s, Fanny had incurred a debt with a ruthless creditor from whom she borrowed for the ‘purpose of helping out the newly founded Royal Benedictine Community of Benedictines’ at Ship Street in Dublin. 

The celebrated beauty and remarkable lady that was Fanny Jennings, ended her days as a nun with the Poor Clares on North King Street, where she died aged eighty-two on 6 March 1730. Her body was laid to rest across the city in St Patrick’s Cathedral three days later on 9 March.

Thanks to herstorian Damien Duffy for this herstory.

Sources: D.L. Kelleher, The Glamour of Dublin, (Dublin, 1920).

Leon O’ Broin, The Irish ecclesiastical record: a monthly journal under episcopal sanction , Ser. 5, Vol. June, 1962.

Angela Bourke et al, The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, Volume 5, Irish Women’s writing and tradition, (New York, 2002).

Anna Jameson, Memoirs of the beauties of the Court of Charles II, volume II, (London, 1838).

 

Professor Dame Kathleen Lonsdale

X-ray crystallographer / Pacifist

Kathleen Lonsdale by Adrienne Geoghegan

Kathleen Lonsdale by Adrienne Geoghegan

1903 - 1971

Kathleen Yardley was born in Co. Kildare in 1903, the youngest of ten children. Her Scottish mother and Irish father had an unhappy marriage; the family was wretchedly poor, four of the ten children died, and their postmaster father abused alcohol. By 1908, her parents separated, and Kathleen and her surviving siblings were brought to Essex by their mother.

Kathleen excelled through elementary and high school. She entered Bedford College, University of London aged 16, where she chose to read physics because, like Kay McNulty, she was worried that the only career open to women maths graduates was teaching–something she did not wish to do. In 1922, she achieved the highest grades in the BSc exams that had been seen at University of London for ten years and, as a result, was invited to join Nobel physicist Professor William Bragg’s research school. The post brought an income of £180 per year, with which Kathleen helped her family. She was the only woman in a group of international researchers. She collaborated with international scientists to produce the International Tablesor ‘crystallographer’s bible’, comprehensive tables for determining crystalstructure.

In 1927, Kathleen married Thomas Lonsdale. Contrary to her expectation that he might wish her to assume a traditional domestic role, he encouraged her to continue her scientific research. In 1929, she made her first major discovery, solving an important question that scientists had been arguing over for sixty years: she demonstrated conclusively that the benzene ring was flat. Her later contributions to science included important investigations into natural and synthetic diamonds.

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By 1931, Kathleen and Thomas had two children. She worked on calculations at home for a time, until Sir William Bragg intervened to secure her return to professional research by creating a position for her at the Royal Institution, including provision for childcare. She worked there for 15 years. In the 1940s, she gained the recognition she so richly reserved. In May 1945, she became one of the first two women elected Fellow of the Royal Society, 300 years after the Society’s foundation. A year later, she was appointed reader in crystallography at University College London, and in 1949, she became the first woman professor at the university. She was also the first woman president of the International Union of Crystallography.

Kathleen’s image illuminated the GPO during the 2020 Herstory Light Festival

Kathleen’s image illuminated the GPO during the 2020 Herstory Light Festival

During this time, she developed interests outside of the sciences. A Quaker by convincement, she conscientiously objected to registering for civil defence service during World War II and, refusing on principle to pay a fine of £2, she spent a month in Holloway Prison. Her husband later reflected that prison was the single most formative experience of her life, fostering a lifelong interest in penal reform. She became president of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and published many articles on pacifism. Her 1957 book, Is Peace Possible? cites Martin Luther King’s non-violent civil rights movement, and–as co-founder of the Pugwash Movement and the Atomic Scientists’ Association–warns of the danger of nuclear weapons and the problems presented by the disposal of nuclear waste. She was a witty person. When, in 1966, a rare form of hexagonal diamond was named lonsdaleite in her honour, she wrote: ‘It makes me feel both proud and rather humble [...]the name seems appropriate since the mineral only occurs in very small quantities... and it is generally rather mixed up!’

Lonsdale made important scientific contributions, published prolifically, and worked tirelessly for humanitarian goals. She advocated for women in science, publishing instructions on the topic in 1970–her first piece of advice was to choose a supportive husband, as she had.

Sources:Dorothy M.C. Hodgkin, ‘Kathleen Lonsdale, 28 January 1903–1 April 1971,Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society, 21 (Nov. 1975), 447–84; Peter Childs and Anne Mac Lellan, ‘The Stuff of Diamonds in Lab Coats and Lace,ed.Mary Mulvilhill (WITS, 2009), 145–155; Kathleen Lonsdale, ‘Is Peace Possible?’, in The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing,ed.Angela Bourke (Cork University Press, 2002), IV, 648–52.

Research by Dr Angela Byrne, DFAT Historian-in-Residence at EPIC The Irish Emigration Museum. Featured in the exhibition 'Blazing a Trail: Lives and Legacies of Irish Diaspora Women', a collaboration between Herstory, EPIC The Irish Emigration Museum and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

Mary Ward / Astronomer, Microscopist, Author & Artist

Naturalist / Astronomer / Microscopist / Author / Artist

Mary Ward by Adrienne Geoghegan

Mary Ward by Adrienne Geoghegan

Mary Ward (nee King) was born in 1827 to Henry King and Harriett Lloyd, in Ferbane, Co. Offaly. Growing up, as she did, in a well-to-do scientific family, Ward developed a great interest in nature. From a very young age, she started collecting insects and using her father’s magnifying glass to study and draw them in great detail.

Ward also had a keen interest in astronomy, and while she was growing up, her cousin, William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse, built the world’s largest reflective telescope at Birr Castle (which remained the largest in the world for decades). Ward produced many sketches of the different stages of the construction, and these sketches were later used to help in the reconstruction of the telescope.  When she was a teenager, she was gifted her first microscope, probably one of the finest microscopes in Ireland at the time, and this became her life’s interest. She set about teaching herself all she could about microscopy.

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Most universities at this time did not accept women so Ward often wrote to various scientists, asking them for information on their published works in order to further her education. She was one of just three women on the mailing list for the Royal Astronomical Society at the time. Her first book Sketches with the Microscope was published in 1858 and has since been ranked as the ‘finest book printed in the county [Offaly] in the nineteenth century.’

Ward married Henry Ward in 1854 and together they had eight children. She was left with almost all of the domestic duties, so she often stayed up late at night to write up the results of her research. Over the course of her life she published further books and contributed her scientific illustrations to numerous articles and books.

The type of steam car Mary would have been travelling on

The type of steam car Mary would have been travelling on

Ward met a tragic death at the age of just 42 in 1869 when she fell from a steam-driven car and was crushed beneath it’s wheel. She was the first person in Ireland (and possibly the world) to be killed in a car accident. While many people know her for this alone, it is important that we remember her for her ground-breaking work in the field of science at a time when women were not expected to possess any kind of scientific ability and received very little education.

Sources:

 ‘Mary Ward,’ online at irishscientists.tripod.com, http://irishscientists.tripod.com/scientists/MARYWARD.HTM [accessed 24 Jan. 2020].

‘Irish scientist Mary Ward – the first person in the world to be killed by a car in 1869,’ The Irish Post, online at https://www.irishpost.com/news/mary-ward-irish-scientist-became-worlds-first-car-death-day-1869-99542 [accessed 23 Jan. 2020].

‘Microscopy,’ Birr Castle, online at https://birrcastle.com/microscopy/ [accessed 24 Jan. 2020].

McGreevy, Ronan, ‘Pioneering scientist and first road traffic fatality Mary Ward remembered,’ online at https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/pioneering-scientist-and-first-road-traffic-fatality-mary-ward-remembered-1.4004370 [accessed 23 Jan. 2020].

‘Celebrating the life and tragic death of Mary Ward,’ Offaly Independent, online at https://www.offalyindependent.ie/news/roundup/articles/2019/08/26/4178694-celebrating-the-life-and-tragic-death-of-mary-ward/ [accessed 24 Jan. 2020].

Macrory, Henry, ‘Mary Ward: Feminist famous as the first person to be killed in a car accident,’ Express, online at https://www.express.co.uk/life-style/life/1172582/mary-ward-feminist-killed-in-car-crash-anniversary-death [accessed 24 Jan. 2020].

Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition

Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition

Women had been involved in the peace process in Northern Ireland since the beginning, but in early 1996, Monica McWilliams and Avila Kilmurray discussed the upcoming peace talks and lamented the fact that due to the lack of women in politics, women’s voices would not be heard or considered by the politicians negotiating plans for Northern Ireland’s future. Working closely with the Northern Ireland Women’s European Platform – a group that campaigned for women’s equal civic and political rights – they began lobbying the Northern Ireland Office for a gender-proofed party list system by which men and women were alternated in equal proportions on their lists. They also sought funds for non-party organisations to be included in the peace talks, as it was widely acknowledged that women were particularly active in community-based groups and their voices and experiences would be of value. Their proposals were largely ignored by the British Government.

From the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition archive at the Linen Hall Library

At a meeting on 17 April 1996 which was attended by representatives of up to 200 women’s groups, it was decided to lobby the government to allow a women’s network to be included in the talks. Much to their surprise, the government agreed to allow it, and the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) was formed, making equality, human rights, and inclusion their main principles. They had just six weeks to mount a campaign and three weeks to choose candidates to put forward. The NIWC quickly set about looking for candidates and encouraged the inclusion of women from varying communities and identities by refusing to take a stance on the constitutional question of whether Northern Ireland should remain in the UK or become part of a united Ireland. While they managed to field 70 candidates from both nationalist and unionist backgrounds, from working- and upper-class communities, they were met with some hostility by mainly Unionist politicians. Despite everything, after just six weeks of existence, the NIWC secured two seats for the All-Party Talks which began on 10 June 1996 and the only women at the table were the two elected to represent the NIWC – Monica McWilliams and Pearl Sagar.

From left, Delia Close, June Morrice, Monica McWilliams, May Blood and Pearl Sagar at the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition conference in Cookstown, Co Tyrone in 1998. Photograph Paddy Whelan

The NIWC argued that the talks should be about more than just the constitutional question. They reasoned that ‘…one of the principles should be a willingness to transform and radicalise the democracy, to include and involve people…’[1] Regarding the Agreement itself, they stated that it:

should be underscored by principles of inclusion, equality, and human rights, and be capable of winning the allegiance of all citizens […] it should broaden and deepen the democracy, drawing on the best lessons of partnership, cooperation, and collaboration - people and politicians working together constructively to govern themselves. The agreement should also go beyond the narrow confines of two traditions.[2]

It was the NIWC’s view that an important part of securing a lasting peace would require an inclusive Agreement with input and approval from all parties. It was for this reason that they were strongly against the expulsion of the loyalist Ulster Defence Party (UDP), and subsequently the exclusion of the republican Sinn Féin, when violence carried out by the UDA and IRA occurred in breach of the ceasefire. The NIWC maintained that if a group was not given the opportunity to have their views heard and included, it would be ‘… much less likely that they would sign up to the outcome, let alone support any eventual agreement.’[3]

Members of the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition at a press conference at Castle Buildings following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, 10 April 1998 (image by Derek Speirs)

Both Monica and Pearl faced serious sexism and ridicule in the Forum for Dialogue and Understanding which ran alongside the peace talks. They were called ‘silly women’ and told that they should be at home ‘breeding children for Ulster.’ Ian Paisley infamously made mooing noises when Monica stood to speak. In spite of this, Monica and Pearl – on behalf of the NIWC - secured very important aspects to the peace agreement, integrated education, restitution for victims and a civic forum rather than just a concentration on decommissioning and disarmament. These aspects were key to the success of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, which was signed on 10 April 1998, and passed when 72% of the general public voted in its favour (thanks in no small part to the efforts of the NIWC).

Trailer for Wave Goodbye to the Dinosaurs, dir. Eimhear O’Neill, Finepoint Films

The legacy of the NIWC goes beyond what it secured during the peace talks, it also ‘contributed to de-mystifying the political process’, particularly for women. It proved that ‘civil society can participate in and influence formal political negotiations’ and that those outside the spheres of strictly nationalist or unionist circles could have a seat at the table.


Bibliography:

Fearon, Kate, Women’s Work: the story of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, Belfast (1999), pp. 51, 121.

Fearon, Kate, ‘Northern Ireland’s Women’s Coalition: Institutionalising a political voice and ensuring representation,’ online at: https://www.c-r.org/accord/public-participation/northern-irelands-womens-coalition-institutionalising-political-voice [accessed 8 Feb. 2022].

Fearon, Kate and McWilliams, Monica, ‘Swimming against the mainstream: The Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition,’ in Carmel Roulston and Celia Davies (eds), Gender Democracy and Inclusion in Northern Ireland, New York (2000).

‘The Belfast Agreement/Good Friday Agreement 1998,’ niassembly.gov.uk. Online at: https://education.niassembly.gov.uk/post_16/snapshots_of_devolution/gfa [accessed 8 Feb. 2022].

[1] Fearon, Kate, Women’s Work: the story of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, Belfast (1999)

[2] Fearon, Kate, Women’s Work: the story of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, Belfast (1999)

[3] Fearon, Kate, Women’s Work: the story of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition, Belfast (1999)


Edith Nesbit / Author / Poet

Edith Nesbit / Author / Poet

1858 - 1924

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When Edith Nesbit was four years old, she lost her father, John Nesbit, to tuberculosis. Her mother, Sarah, twice widowed by her mid-forties, tried valiantly to run the progressive agricultural college in Kennington, London where her husband had been Principal. Overwhelmed and desperately concerned by the appearance of symptoms of tuberculosis in her second daughter, Mary, Sarah sold the college and, with it, Edith’s idylic childhood home.

During the decade that followed, Edith, Mary, her half sister, Saretta, and their mother, travelled through Britain and France in an effort to find a climate that would allow Mary to recover. Edith’s brothers, Alfred and Harry, were sent to boarding schools in England. This transient lifestyle disrupted her education woefully, although she learned to speak French proficiently and she never lost her passion for reading.

Bittersweet contentment was found after Mary died, aged just twenty, and Sarah took her remaining children to live in the tranquil Kent village of Halstead. Edith was fourteen by then and had ambitions to be a poet. She celebrated the lush beauty of the Kent countryside in the hundreds of poems, stories and novels she wrote during her lifetime. In her late teens, she moved to London with her mother but she returned to the countryside, which she missed desperately, as often as she could. Aged twenty-one and seven months pregnant, Edith married the flamboyant but serially unfaithful Hubert Bland. Both took lovers throughout their marriage and Edith, a vibrant, beautiful woman, had romantic liaisons with several younger men. Poverty provoked resourcefulness and she kept her little household afloat by designing greeting cards and writing stories for children. It was this experience of hardship and a strong belief in social justice that drove Edith and Hubert to help found the Fabian Society, a reforming socialist organisation that exists to this day.

Edith’s talent and determination brought well-deserved rewards and she moved her growing family into increasingly larger rented homes in the south east of London. By the time she could afford to rent a beautiful, rambling house in Well Hall, Eltham, she was rearing three children of her own alongside two more born to her best friend, Alice, who was having an affair with Hubert. It was in Well Hall, where she spent 22 years surrounded by orchards, farmland, and beautiful gardens that Edith began to write the wonderful stories for children that became her literary legacy. Drawing on incidents from her own childhood and the lives of her children she wrote The Story of The Treasure Seekers, The Wouldbegoods, Five Children and It and many others, including her beloved classic The Railway Children. She also wrote poetry, novels for adults and chilling horror stories.

An extravagant, generous, gregarious woman, Edith threw lavish parties at Well Hall; her guests included H.G. Wells, George Bernard Shaw, Charlotte Perkins Gilman and other literary luminaries. She also organised parties and performances for the poor schoolchildren of Deptford, providing them with desperately needed toys, food and clothing. She was enormously successful for a time but wartime and the death of her husband, Hubert, coincided with a falling away of her popularity. Managing her vast house became increasingly difficult so she sold flowers, eggs and vegetables, and took in paying guests to make ends meet. In 1917, she married for a second time. Shortly afterwards, she and her new husband, a marine engineer named Tommy Tucker, moved to two refurbished army huts at St Mary’s Bay in Dymchurch in Kent. She died there in May 1924, her second husband and her children by her side.

To read more about E. Nesbit’;s extraordinary life look out for a copy of The Life and Loves of E Nesbit by Eleanor Fitzsimons (Duckworth, 2019). All are welcome to attend the launch in Hodges Figgis, Dawson Street, Dublin, on Thursday 10 October at 6pm

Thanks to Eleanor Fitzsimons for this herstory.

Zandra (Josephine Alexandra) Mitchell / First professional female saxophonist

1903-1995

Zandra.png

Zandra (Josephine Alexandra) Mitchell was the first professional female saxophonist in Ireland. Born in 1903 in Phibsborough, into a very musical family, she was surrounded by music from birth. From a very young age, Zandra learned to play a wide range of instruments, including the violin, the cello and later the saxophone. She became an excellent sight-reader, playing in bands accompanying the films at the Rotunda Cinema.

When Zandra went to London with her brother, Eddie, to play sax with his band, she was spotted by an agent, who invited her on a tour of Switzerland with a jazz band. Zandra accepted the invitation and went on tour - against the wishes of her parents, who threatened to disown her. She traveled for years with many different jazz bands - including her own ‘Baby Mitchell’s Queens of Jazz’ - and during her career played with some of the greatest jazz musicians of the twentieth century, including Django Reinhardt and Coleman Hawkins.

Zandra eventually settled in Berlin and was one of only very few Irish citizens living there during World War II. She witnessed Hitler’s rise to power from an incredibly dangerous perspective. Jazz was seen as ‘degenerate art’ and a threat to the Nazis’ control, so to be a jazz musician in that place and time was a huge risk. According to friends who knew her in later life, Zandra witnessed Kristallnacht on her way home from a gig, arrived at her jazz club to find it had been bombed, stowed away aboard a Nazi troop train... so many stories!

When she finally came back to Ireland in the late 1940’s, she continued to play music but it seems she struggled to adjust to life after Berlin. People often did not believe her when she told them stories of her past. She spent the later years of her life living in her family’s holiday home in Rossnowlagh, County Donegal. Her brother, Eddie, visited often and the two remained close. Zandra also had a very dear friend called Michael in Rossnowlagh, who helped her as she grew older and shared her love of music and dogs. Zandra died in 1995 and is buried in Glasnevin Cemetary.

A radio documentary, ‘A Sentimental Journey’ was made about Zandra’s life in 2015, directed by Marc McMenamin for Lyric FM.

In November 2019, a play based on her story, ‘Zandra, Queen of Jazz’ by Roseanne Lynch and Darn Skippy Productions, premieres at Smock Alley Boys’ School Theatre. For tickets and more info see: https://smockalley.com/zandra-queen-of-jazz/

Thanks to Roseanne Lynch for this biography.

Helena Hegarty / Revolutionary / Captain of Schull Cumann na mBan

1879-1962

Although her birth certificate would suggest that Ellen (or as she came to be called, ‘Helena’) Hegarty was born on 3 December 1879, as her baptismal cert is dated 13 November 1879, it is much more likely that she was born in early November of that year. The seventh of eight children born to Jeremiah Hegarty and Honora Sullivan in Schull, Co. Cork, Helena was still just a young child when four of her eldest siblings, Mary Anne, Bridget, Kate and Timothy, emigrated to the U.S.A in 1887.

By 1901, Helena was twenty years old and working as a seamstress. She was living with her retired parents, her brother Patrick, and his young family. Following a scandal in 1908 among the employees of the local workhouse, Helena became the head matron in about 1909, possibly helped or encouraged by her brother who was a member of the Board of Guardians and Rural District council. For £36 per year, it was Helena’s job to act as the deputy to the Master of the house, as well as oversee matters relating to the women, children and domestic arrangements of the house.

It is unknown when exactly Helena began getting involved in the fight for Ireland’s independence, or how she came to be involved, but she was made the captain of the Schull branch of Cumann na mBan and remained in that position until after the Civil war. In January 1921, the local IRA arrested a man named Robert Lenehan who they suspected was a British spy (they found envelopes addressed to the auxiliaries on his person), and asked Helena to keep him in one of the rooms of the workhouse until further notice. The windows and doors to the room were barricaded and he remained there for six to eight weeks under the sole charge of Helena herself, who used to push a plate of her own food under the door to him. This was an extremely risky job to pull off as there were inmates of the workhouse in the premises at the time, and if caught, Helena would have faced jail time and certain dismissal from her position. It was for a similar reason – allowing other than inmates to remain inside the workhouse for periods of time – that had seen the last matron fired, but what Helena was doing – keeping a British spy barricaded against his will – would have been dealt with far more severely.

After a few weeks, Lenehan was blindfolded and removed from the workhouse by the IRA and transferred to the Calves Islands, five miles away from Schull. However, he managed to escape and ‘judging from the confined area he had travelled in the interval’ and ‘being there so long listening to the bells etc’ suspicion fell on the workhouse as the place in which he had been imprisoned. He returned to the workhouse as a Black and Tan (according to Helena, he ‘returned in their uniform’) with 15-20 lorries of Black and Tans and a female searcher. Helena was then told by the officer in charge that she was to be arrested for keeping Lenehan imprisoned but she ‘knew the spy immediately and what he had come for,’ and she could think quick on her feet. She proceeded to take the spy to the wrong part of the building until the spy said that it was there that he had been held. Through ‘luck and coolness’ Helena succeeded in ‘making the spy contradict himself and finally got him so confused that the O/C really believed that the spy was mistaken.’

She was not arrested.

Throughout this time, Helena also supplied the IRA with £30 worth of blankets ‘knowing full well that if ever the auditor audited the books again, the shortage in [her] stock would be instant dismissal besides being responsible for the value through [her] own securities.’ With other members of the Schull branch, Helena raised £60 through money collections for the cause and in order to buy first aid equipment. Due to ‘things getting very hot’ at this time, and because military were often coming and going from a close by Marine station, many of the Cumann na mBan meetings were held ‘out along the country roads.’ At these meetings, among other things such as crafting haversacks and knitting socks and scarves, Helena had a fellow member who happened to be a nurse, teach the other girls how to administer first aid. She then had that nurse travel to other branches around the locality to instruct the officers there so that they, in turn, could teach their own members. Helena appointed two girls to attend each local hospital house (of which there were three in Schull) as well as supply them with sheets, shirts, socks, towels and a supply of first aid equipment.

Helena states that the workhouse infirmary was also a place in which she allowed convalescing and injured IRA men to stay, some for as long as six months. One man, suspected to be Frank Neville, stayed in the hospital wing under an assumed name and was taken away again by his men after only one night as there was a fear that he would be arrested. Indeed, it was not uncommon for the workhouse to be raided by the British military from time to time.

In June 1921, it was rumored that  the military were to be billeted into the workhouse. To prevent this from happening, the IRA decided to burn it to the ground. Helena was made aware of their plan the night prior so that she could ‘get things in readiness … as much as possible without creating suspicion.’ She did this by ‘removing clothes etc. for the inmates use whilst they were being sheltered in a neighbouring farmer’s outhouse where [she] assisted in removing them’ the night of the burning. The marine station was attacked at the same time so as to act as a distraction. Helena remained awake the entire night so as ‘to be ready for anything that could be done’ and was, towards the end, ‘under rifle or machine fire.’

During the Truce period, usual Cumann na mBan meetings were held, and members were appointed to attend the convention in Dublin to discuss the Treaty. They decided ‘on our representatives working against it.’ Helena also attended a Division meeting upon the request of the District officer which was held in the IRA military barracks in Skibbereen. Amongst matters discussed was ‘the attitude of Cumann na mBan in case of Civil War, where it was decided to go on as heretofore.’

With the burning of the workhouse, Helena was left homeless and without a job. She moved to a house on the main street of Schull and started her own business there, probably as a seamstress, which she said was badly affected by her ‘well known activities on the Republican side’ during the years which followed.

On 28 June 1922, civil war broke out and Helena remained on the Republican side. Sometime later, Free State troops were billeted in the house of a man named Alfred Cocks, right next door to Helena. He used to provide her with any information he could gather regarding raids and it was her opinion that because he was Protestant, they never suspected that he was the one giving her the information. At one point, he told her that a raid was due to take place on her own brother’s house where the troops had learned three IRA men were staying. As he was giving her this information, her nephew Jerome (son of said brother) walked through the door and told her that her father was dying. Helena immediately sent Jerome back home to warn the men of the impending raid while she prepared to make the trip herself to see her dad. Whilst cycling there, she was stopped by the military who were marching and searching the countryside ahead of her and was not allowed to proceed because the officer in charge feared that she ‘was going to give word of their movements.’ She explained to them the situation with her father but still, they would not let her go. Fortunately, her father lived for another few months, and the three IRA men made their escape.

Helena often sent messages of warning to various members of the Active Service Units (ASU) during this time, saving them from arrest. On one particular night she cycled to Ballydehob (8.2km outside Schull) to give word of Free State troops’ movements. On her return trip, the troops ‘held [her] up’ and ‘told [her] not to come into Ballydehob anymore and threatened to seize [her] bicycle.’ Helena took no heed to this warning and continued to carry out her business in Ballydehob when she needed to but left her bike outside the town before re-entry each time.

Helena died on 22 March 1962 at the age of eighty.

 

 Herstory by Katelyn Hanna.

 

Sources:

Military Service Pensions Collection, Helena Hegarty MSP34REF28143 online at http://www.militaryarchives.ie/en/collections/online-collections/military-service-pensions-collection-1916-1923/search-the-collection

Agnes Gallagher / Revolutionary / Musician / Teacher

1863-1946

… I gladly testify to the wholehearted and devoted service of Miss Agnes Gallagher and her two sisters […] from 1915 onwards. They organised concerts, carried out National Aid work, assisted in organising activities and at a later stage rendered the greatest service to the West Mayo flying column through the provision of clothing and supplies, the maintenance of communications and supplying information. […] Miss Gallagher’s enthusiasm, devotion and unselfishness were always a fountain of inspiration and encouragement for the young men and women of the Westport district. The moral support given to us at all times by herself and her family was of the greatest value and must be reckoned with the financial aid and the practical assistance which they gave in a wide range of cultural, and political, as well as military, activities over a long period of years. Miss Gallagher’s services in the national movement cannot be sufficiently appreciated by those who had not personal knowledge of her work and of the intimate relations of trust which existed between her family and the local Volunteer and IRA organisations.’

-Thomas Derrig (Commandent of the West Mayo Brigade of the Irish Volunteers)

Early Life

Agnes Gallagher was born on 19 November 1863 in Westport, Mayo to Patrick Gallagher and Margaret Gill. She was the sixth of ten children born to the couple and had a further two older half siblings through her father. One of these, Martin Gallagher was a ‘conspicuous figure in Irish national affairs’ as a fenian and had to flee the country for America in the late 1860s after being labelled a ‘marked man’, when Agnes was still a small child. (i) Likewise, the Gill branch of her family tree were highly active in seeking Ireland’s independence. Her first cousin Major John MacBride would end up as one of the leaders shot in 1916 and his brother Joseph would be elected to represent south Mayo in 1918.

The Gallagher family were quite well-off and both Agnes and her sister Kathleen were trained instrumental musicians on the violin. By 1880 Agnes was playing at local concerts.

Involvement in the Gaelic Revival

Both Agnes and her sister are recorded as ‘music teachers’ in the 1901 census. It is understood that the women taught from home, in what Agnes called an ‘academy’, with young female students attending their house for lessons.

In 1904 Agnes was on the instrumental music judging panel at the Mayo Feis which ran for three days and proved that the Gaelic movement had taken ‘great hold’ in the West (i). The feis promoted Irish singing, dancing and story-telling, as well as Irish crafts and agriculture. President of the Gaelic League (and later, the first president of Ireland) Douglas Hyde was also in attendance representing the League, as well as Patrick Pearse and Agnes O’Farrelly, who would be one of the founding members of Cumann na mBan in 1914.

Early Activity

In 1915, at the age of fifty-two, Agnes helped to found the Mayo branch of Cumann na mBan. Little is known of her early activities but on 24 April 1916 (Easter Monday), she organised a concert to help raise funds for the Volunteers.

She organised concerts frequently in order to raise money for both the Volunteers and Fianna Eireann, as she had an orchestra of her own, of twenty-four people whom she taught. She stated in her pension application file that during this particular concert they heard of ‘this thing in Dublin’ and that all the artists were then taken away and the police arrived. (ii) In the months that followed, Agnes would on occasion hire artists from Dublin to come to Mayo to play at these concerts in order to draw in a bigger crowd, and she would pay them out of her own pocket.

Agnes was also involved in organising financial support for dependents of volunteers in prison, as well as anti-recruiting against British Forces.

In September 1917 she was sent as a delegate to Thomas Ashe’s funeral in Dublin. Ashe had been a member of the IRB, Gaelic League and a founding member of the Irish Volunteers. Upon being arrested and refused ‘prisoner of war’ status, he went on hunger strike and died after being force fed. 30,000 attended the procession to Glasnevin cemetery where Michael Collins gave a eulogy. The event is seen by many as a turning point in the attitudes of the Irish public towards the ideal of an Irish Republic.

In 1918, while continuing her fund raising, Agnes campaigned heavily for the election of her cousin Joseph MacBride as Sinn Fein MP for the Mayo West constituency. No doubt she spearheaded a lot of his campaign for him, as he was imprisoned at the time, having been arrested in May of that year. She herself referred to it as an ‘intensive canvas’ and stated that by that time, she was organising concerts to take place every Sunday. (ii) The two cousins appear to have been very close, as Agnes even acted as his seconder when it came to candidate nominations in early December 1918.

Sinn Fein won 73 out of 105 possible Irish seats, Joseph taking one of them, by mid-December. Just one month later, on 21 January 1919, Sinn Fein MP’s refused to recognise the UK Parliament and instead established a revolutionary parliament they named Dail Eireann in the Mansion House, Dublin, on the exact same day that the Irish War of Independence began.

War of Independence (1919-1921)

From April of that year, Agnes began to provide accommodation for the Courts of Dail Eireann, which was declared illegal by the British in September 1919. Her house on Bridge Street, Westport had already been established as a meeting place for the IRB before Easter Week 1916, so it was no surprise that she hosted the likes of Arthur Griffith, Thomas Derrig and Michael Kilroy during the War of Independence. She also canvassed for, and collected, subscriptions for the Internal loan of the Dail Eireann at this time.

Between 1919 and 1920, searches were constantly being carried out on Agnes’ young female students to the extent that her Academy had to be closed because ‘the children were afraid to come in.’ (ii) The British forces also conducted many raids on her house, one in particular was in search of a gun they believed to be hidden there. In fact, a Thompson machine gun was in the house at the time, but Agnes managed to conceal it well enough that it was never found. On another occasion, she got word that her house was to be burned out, so she cleared the building of almost all the furniture. The house was saved when the Black and Tans ran out of petrol a few doors down from her home.

Of these raids, Agnes said:

…They would come in the middle of the night too and raid us. Nothing but r…. and raids. That was the Tan time. They wanted to take over our house from us. The Auxiliaries came and demanded the house.

Sometime in autumn 1920, ‘strangers’ to the locality came to Agnes’ front door. They were Tans ‘with revolvers in their hands’ and they ‘inquired for Miss Agnes Gallagher.’ (ii) In order to evade arrest, she was forced to leave her house and go on the run. She went to Islandmore and Clew Bay and ‘organised the girls’ there. She trained them to conduct scouting work ‘to see when the boats were coming.’ (ii)

Returning to her house by Christmas, Agnes and her two sisters, Nora and Kathleen, set up a communication station and received despatches from Newport and Louisburg and from other surrounding areas. Rarely trusting anyone else to deliver the messages to the boys, Agnes often went herself, two or three times a week.

On 19 May 1921, six IRA men were killed and seven wounded in what is now known as the Kilmeena Ambush. In her pension application, Agnes states that she forwarded information she got regarding the attack on Kilmeena, which turned out to be correct. Her information would have been vital, for it has been said that ‘it was a crucial week in the survival of the column because they were attacked from the rear at Kilmeena and could have been wiped out during this action.’ (iii)

Truce period

On 11 July 1921, a truce was called. From 12 July, Agnes began to give her house up again for conferences and billeting of senior officers of the IRA. It was also used as a liaison office to debate over the terms of the Truce being offered.  This must have been a very difficult time for Agnes, who remained fiercely anti-Treaty and republican, as among everything else, her close ally and cousin, Joseph MacBride, went pro-Treaty. Of the split in their party, Agnes said ‘I  could not prevent them. I did my best to keep them back.’ (ii) In spite of the turmoil in her own home, Agnes continued to raise funds for the IRA and actively campaigned for them during the Truce period with her grand-niece Eileen Dineen (daughter of Francis Dineen, fourth president of the GAA) who she seemed to have raised with her sisters.

Civil War (1922-1923)

On 28 June 1922, civil war broke out. The anti-Treaty Irish Republicans were on one side, and the pro-Treaty Irish nationalists on the other. About this time, Agnes began to procure rifles and ammunition for the IRA. She did this by having another person negotiate with Free State forces over the Barracks walls. These men were selling boots, clothes and ammunition which Agnes took advantage of through her negotiator. She got about eight or nine rifles this way and then would leave them in a prearranged place for the IRA to pick up, or else transport them through the bread van. She also purchased leggings and other small items from a shopkeeper in Westport who had refused to sell the stuff to the IRA members. They did however, sell it to Agnes, who was forced to pay the bills accumulated herself.

On two occasions, Agnes traveled to Dublin for Cumann na mBan related business. She attended a meeting at 6 Harcourt Street where she liaised with Nancy ‘Nannie’ O’Rahilly and Mrs Mary Kate O’Kelly (successful academic in her own right and first wife of Sean T. O’Kelly, second President of Ireland).  She had planned the trips in order to get more equipment for the IRA in her locality, but as they didn’t have enough for themselves in Dublin, she failed to attain anything of any use.

Agnes helped to re-organise an Intelligence service in Westport around this time in order to forward warnings of impending attacks to the local boys. This was done through a network of Cumann na mBan women stationed in different parts of the surrounding areas, as well as information obtained from Free State soldiers or their friends. In late October, her house was fired on by Free State troops, she being nearly shot herself. Of the terrifying experience, she had the following to say:

They shot a very valuable dog on us. The house was raided three times that night. We never went to bed. It was the night they were coming back from the raid on Clifden. They expected the boys would be coming back from there and kept raiding all night.

On 22 November 1922, Agnes got word of an ambush organised for the next day in north Mayo, where she knew Michael Kilroy and his column where. She said that she got this information from a friend of hers, Joseph Ruddy, who she had known from her time in the Sinn Fein club, and who was now a captain in the national forces. He had visited her that morning and of the visit she said:

… they were getting ready in the barracks, for a raid. I sent them word there was a detachment going down. I could infer they were going from what he said.

Agnes went personally to give this information to Michael Kilroy. Of the night she said:

I was walking – you could not cycle on the road; it was patrolled. One would be held up. They had outposts everywhere. It was about nine o clock at night. I had to go across the fields – I dare not go on the road. I passed the outpost, and they followed me. I got in under the railway bridge, and they kept firing but did not know where I was. I knew all the cross-cuts and I got out on the Newport road. I got a girl out there to go down with the dispatch to Kilroy. I knew there was a Brigade meeting on. They were surrounded the next morning.

Michael Kilroy was wounded and captured the next day. Agnes’ friend, Joseph Ruddy, was killed.

Prison Time and Hunger Strikes

On 21 April 1923, at fifty-nine years old, Agnes was arrested by Claremorris troops and sent to Galway prison without trial. Her arrest was not unusual in the area, where it was reported in March of that year that ‘it is almost an every-day sight to see prisoners being marched by a strong military guard to the station on the way to internment.’ (iv) Upon arrival she was described as a 5ft 5 3/4in woman with grey hair, blue eyes and fresh complexion.

On 21 May she was transferred to Kilmainham jail in Dublin, and despite the Civil War coming to an end three days later on 24 May, Agnes remained incarcerated. Here, she would have lived in poor conditions. One Minnie Lenihan, a Galway girl who spent time in Kilmainham, said that thirty women were expected to live in a dormitory no bigger than 30 by 20 feet. (v) During her time here, Agnes went on two hunger strikes, one which resulted in her losing her sight. After striking for ten days in one instance, Agnes said:

…we were pretty weak and were not able to go out in the air for recreation, and we opened one of the windows to get fresh air. There was a soldier in the Crows Nest, and he always shot at the prisoners when he saw them at the windows. I did not know this. They shouted to me that he was going to fire. I stumbled back and fell, and broke two ribs, and my eye came against the table with the result I was never able to teach music since I came home or take up any position.

Even with the injuries she sustained, Agnes was not released from prison. Instead, on 28 September she was transferred again, this time to North Dublin Union. One woman described the NDU as follows:

… the condition of the place was filthy beyond description, the treatment was worse, the diet was worse, and altogether, in every respect, it was the worst period of [her] confinement.

On 13 October, with no release in sight and under worsening conditions in the prisons, a mass hunger strike was announced by Michael Kilroy. Within days, there were over 7,000 Republicans in prisons around the country on hunger strike, and fifty of those were women in the North Dublin Union, including Agnes.

Later Life

Eventually, on 27 October 1923, Agnes was released from prison and sent back to Mayo. At almost sixty years old, and suffering from spending four months in terrible conditions in prison, during which time she underwent three separate hunger strikes, Agnes’ health was very poor. Now blind, Agnes was unable to resume her music teaching and could not take up a new position. She was primarily supported financially by her brother Edward. In September 1934 she began the process of applying for a military pension, but it wasn’t until 1942 that she would finally be granted one of Grade E status, £17 10s per annum. She appealed the decision as she felt that she deserved a higher grade than one of the lowest possible, however, her appeal was denied. One of those who wrote her a reference in her favour, was cousin, Joseph MacBride.

Agnes died at her home on 19 June 1946, after a ten-day illness, at the age of 82.

Herstory by Katelyn Hanna.

 

Sources:

(i) Connaught Telegraph, 3 Aug. 1901.

(ii) Military Service Pensions Collection (MSPC), MSP34REF3344: Agnes Gallagher, online at Military Archives, http://mspcsearch.militaryarchives.ie/detail.aspx?parentpriref= (accessed 20 Mar. 2018).

(iii) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Kilroy

(iv) Connacht Tribune, 10 Mar. 1923.

(v) Connacht Tribune, 15 Sept. 1923.

SR DR MAURA LYNCH / Medical missionary

Image Source: Fistula Care Plus

Image Source: Fistula Care Plus

Sr Dr Maura Lynch, 1938–2017

Medical missionary

In Uganda on 9 December 2017, a celebration was planned for the golden jubilee of the arrival in Africa of Youghal-born Sr Dr Maura Lynch, who devoted her life to improving the lives of African women. Sadly, she died suddenly in Kampala on that very day.

Maura was the fourth of the nine children of a teacher and a post office employee, and the family moved frequently. She joined the Medical Missionaries of Mary in Clonmel, Co. Tipperary at the age of 17. She studied medicine in UCD and came in the top three in her graduating class in 1965, and received a gold medal for surgery. She completed a Diploma in obstetrics and gynaecology at the Royal College of Obstetrics and Gynaecology in London in 1966 and a Diploma in Tropical Medicine and Public Health in Lisbon in 1967. She would return to Dublin in 1985 to train as a surgeon.

Having completed her medical training, she left for Chiulo Mission Hospital in Angola, where she had to work across the range of medicine, surgery, obstetrics, gynaecology and paediatrics, and work as a lecturer and examiner in the Nurses Training School. She and only one other medical Sister had the care of 200 patients, many of whom suffered from TB, leprosy, or injuries sustained during the Angolan civil war. She and her colleagues risked their lives travelling the rough terrain of southern Angola by bicycle, sheltering in the undergrowth as aerial bombings pummelled the ground around them.

In 1987, she was assigned to Kitovu Mission Hospital in Uganda as a consultant surgeon, obstetrician and gynaecologist. There, she conducted her pioneering obstetric fistula repair work, performing over 1,000 procedures between 1993 and 2007. In the words of Professor Bill Powderly, former Dean of UCD School of Medicine, it is ‘an astonishing record that one can confidently say will never be bettered’.

Sr Dr Maura found her vocation in obstetrics, and developed a love of Uganda and its people. It must have been hugely gratifying to her, then, to receive a unique Certificate of Residency for Life from the Ugandan government in recognition of her work. She was a founding member of the Association of Surgeons of East Africa, and pioneered innovative training programmes in obstetric fistula repair. She fundraised for a centre of excellence in the treatment of obstetric fistula in St Joseph’s Hospital, Kitovu; it opened in April 2005.

Her accolades were many. In 2009, she was nominated by the United Nations Population Fund (Uganda) as a leader in the fight against fistula; in 2013, she received an Honorary Fellowship from the Royal College of Obstetrics and Gynaecology; and in 2015, she was awarded the prestigious Council of Europe’s North–South Prize. She called for better education of girls and of medical staff to help the estimated 50–100,000 women affected annually by obstetric fistula, which is also linked to obstructed labour, reducing perinatal deaths. The 28-bed unit and dedicated operating theatre she established performs 250 operations per year; women are treated for free and, should they go on to become mothers, are offered free antenatal care and caesarean delivery.

Those who knew her spoke of her sense of fun, and her boundless energy; in 2013, she participated in a six-mile run to raise €5,000 for an overhead lamp for the operating theatre. Her position as a champion of African women’s healthcare is best expressed in the name given to her by her Ugandan patients: ‘Nakimuli’, meaning ‘Beautiful Flower’.

Sources: Joanna Lyall, ‘Maura Lynch: Fistula Fighter and Nun’, British Medical Journal, 360 (23 Mar. 2018); Irish Times, 23 Dec. 2017; ‘Sr. & Dr. Maura Lynch (1938–2017)’, https://digitalheritagecollections.rcsi.ie/rcsiwomen/sr-dr-maura-lynch-1938-2017/;‘Sr Dr Maura Lynch (1938–2017): Nakimuli–Beautiful Flower’, http://www.ucd.ie/medicine/ourcommunity/ouralumni/alumniprofilesinterviews/srdrmauralynch/.

Research by Dr Angela Byrne, DFAT Historian-in-Residence at EPIC The Irish Emigration Museum. Featured in the exhibition 'Blazing a Trail: Lives and Legacies of Irish Diaspora Women', a collaboration between Herstory, EPIC The Irish Emigration Museum and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.